Originally appeared on the Huffington Post
The function of the press is very high. It is almost holy.
Louis D. Brandeis
Associate Justice
United States Supreme Court
A media scandal has been unfolding in Great Britain, the likes of which has never before been witnessed.
The scandal is so great it threatens the media empire of Rupert Murdoch, and has already cost him The News of the World, forced him to cancel efforts to buy controlling interest in BSkyB, the commercial rival to the BBC, saw the value of his corporate holdings fall in one week by more than seven billion dollars, and the head of News International, his parent company in England, arrested by Scotland Yard.
In addition, the political repercussions are vast, and some think the coalition government of Prime Minister David Cameron is in peril (he cut short his trip to South Africa to return to London to face the ever escalating entanglement). Moreover, Scotland Yard itself has seen the resignation of its two top cops.
This implausible story, one that makes even “Scoop”, Evelyn Waugh’s fictional account of Fleet Street, seem unimaginative, began in 2002 when News of the World reporters hacked into the cell phone messages of Millie Dowler, a 13-year old English girl who had been kidnapped. The reporters deleted certain messages from the girl’s phone, leading her parents and authorities to believe she might still be alive. She wasn’t. She had been murdered.
Scotland Yard commenced an investigation, but it was the beginning of a massive cover up, which found the police hiding incriminating evidence against The News of the World; evidence which showed Murdoch’s journalists had not only hacked into the cell phone of the 13-year murder victim, but those of 4,000 others – including members of the royal family, movie stars, sports heroes, politicians, and stunningly, dead British soldiers from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Carl Bernstein, the other half of Woodward/Bernstein, calls this shameful story of Murdoch’s press empire in Great Britain, “Media’s Watergate.” He did not intend hyperbole.
I find the saga in England absorbing. As a former press secretary to two U.S. senators and a press aide to Bobby Kennedy in the presidential campaign of ’68, media are a significant part of my life. Moreover, for 55-years I have read the British press, usually the broadsheets, as they are known – The Observer, The Daily Telegraph, The Independent, The Guardian, and The Times (now owned by Murdoch).
I’ve always thought Great Britain’s newspapers were better written and their graphics superior to anything over here (with some exceptions, notably The New York Times).
But over the past three-decades the media in Great Britain have changed significantly under the insidious influence of Murdoch, whose tabloids, The Sun and The News of the World, were hell-bent on destroying the reputations of others, especially those whose political views conflicted with Murdoch’s – thus posing a possible threat on his mission for monopoly.
But presently his publications, including the once storied Times, are in trouble, and The News of the World has closed. No small thing. It was first saw the light of print in 1843.
The story, however, was a long-time coming to the full and now incredulous light of public attention, because a lot of people lied about what had gone on, including Scotland Yard, which bore the critical responsibility for investigating Murdoch’s newspapers.
Not only were the police paid by Murdoch’s agents to provide damaging information on people’s private lives, but some police officers pulled back from the investigations because they were told by their Murdoch handlers if they probed too deeply their own private lives would be the subject of public ridicule by Murdoch’s papers. No, really. No one is making this up. Murdoch’s power was so menacing Scotland Yard cowered. (The American corollary would be the FBI yielding to media threats and its agents accepting bribes.)
At the center of this ever-darkening storm are Murdoch and Rebekah Brooks, who resigned before Scotland Yard arrested her. She had been head of News International, Murdoch’s British holding company.
Before Ms. Brooks was chosen by Murdoch to head his British empire she had been editor of The News of the World, and later The Sun, a tabloid newspaper infamous for its daily Page 3 feature of bare-breasted women.
In her statement of resignation Ms. Brooks wrote of “the free press we value so highly.” But it’s appropriate to ask, what “value” does she associates with a “free press?”
Does she mean the freedom to hire private investigators to dig up dirt on people of prominence for the purpose of staining their reputations, if not ruining their lives? Does she mean the freedom to bribe police officers in an incessant quest for damaging information on others? Does she mean the freedom to hack into people’s cell phones, medical records, tax returns, and bank statements? Even if your name is Gordon Brown and you are the Chancellor of the Exchequer and later Prime Minister of Great Britain?
(In one shocking incident, Ms. Brooks phoned Brown when he was Prime Minister to tell him The Sun would publish a story saying his infant son had cystic fibrosis. The only people who knew of their son’s condition were the Prime Minister, his wife, and doctors. Ms. Brooks’ phone call reduced Gordon Brown to tears and traumatized his wife. There is no record that Ms. Brooks regretted her decision to publish information wholly irrelevant to Brown’s role as Prime Minister.)
But amid the deeply troubling questions raised by this outrageous chapter in England’s press history, I have yet to read where journalist has questioned the moral values of their profession. In raising the issue I do not ignore the honorable role played by some British newspapers in breaking the story, especially The Guardian, which has acted in the highest public interest – and save for which this story might otherwise have disappeared from public notice. (I don’t know if there is a British equivalent of the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service, but if so it belongs to The Guardian.)
In a recent media column David Carr of The New York Times came closest when he used “pathology” to describe the media culture created by Rupert Murdoch, a world that includes News International in Great Britain and News Corp. in the U.S (Wall Street Journal, New York Post, and Fox News).
Earlier this week, before a Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry in London, Rupert Murdoch, his son, James Murdoch, and Rebekah Brooks, answered questions from members of the House of Commons. They were queried on every aspect of this sordid affair, one that began with Millie Dowler’s murder in 2002, and now, nine-years on, has broadened to include the power elite of England.
The two Murdochs and Ms. Brooks faced tough questions, and while they displayed humility and regret appropriate to their circumstances, they never acknowledged full responsibility for the revolting happenings on their watch. (And, subsequently, two former high-ranking News International editors accused James Murdoch of having lied in his testimony.)
But in my mind, several questions went begging. Questions I would have directed to Ms. Brooks.
The first question would have been: “Do you consider yourself a decent person?” The second, “Do you consider yourself a person of moral values?”
Assuming Ms. Brooks would have affirmed both, I then would have asked the following question:
“Ms. Brooks, given that you have characterized yourself as a person of decency and morality, would you tell the Commons and the people of Great Britain, why you thought it was acceptable to engage in practices that had as their end game circulation and financial gains for The News of the World and The Sun, even if the end results meant the loss of people’s reputations and the ruin of their personal lives?”
The question wasn’t asked, but my sense is it would not have mattered, that Rebekah Brooks would not have understood its meaning. And the reason, in part, is the “pathology” created by Rupert Murdoch diminishes the values and moral sensibilities of others – even the Rebekah Brooks of this world.
Watching her testify the other day I felt regret and sadness for what’s happened in her life, an obviously bright and talented woman of 43, now disgraced; a victim, she suggested in her testimony to the Commons, of the very tactics she so willfully engaged when others were the prey – and she the predator.
I began this essay by quoting Louis Brandeis. You have a right to know I often invoke the wisdom of the Justice. I do so because I believe his characterization of the press is true. Not true in a functional sense, I am not naïve, nor is my idealism divorced from the realty of our world, but that Justice Brandeis’ words are true as a standard toward which media should ever be mindful.
George Mitrovich is a San Diego civic leader. He may be reached at, gmitro35@gmail.com
